Search Results for: "site"

An update on the Landscape Recovery Scheme
An update on the Landscape Recovery Scheme

Background to the Landscape Recovery Scheme:

The Landscape Recovery Scheme (“LRS”) is one of three Environmental Land Management (“ELM”) schemes implemented pursuant to the Agriculture Act 2020 (the “AA 2020”). Alongside the Sustainable Farming Incentive and Countryside Stewardship, the schemes are a significant landmark in English agricultural policy. Characterized by the principle of ‘public money for public goods’, the schemes replace farming subsidies under the EU’s Common Agricultural Policy (such subsidies being phased out under the AA 2020). While the ELM schemes offer landowners and farmers varying degrees of financial assistance, they are united in seeking to meet the environmental goals set out in section 1 of the AA 2020.

The Landscape Recovery Scheme in focus

The LRS is ambitious with collaboration at landscape scale a key driver.  It will pay for ‘bespoke, longer-term, larger scale projects to enhance the natural environment’. Getting into the details:

  • LRS projects must be in England and relate to a ‘broadly connected area of at least 500 hectares’. Both private and public bodies can apply for funding under the LRS;
  • The scheme constitutes five phases; Application, Evaluation, Enrolment, Project Development and Project Implementation. The Project Implementation phase is likely to last ‘at least 20 years’;
  • Funding for the projects is intended to be a blend of both public and private money.

To date, there have been two rounds of applications for Development phase funding under the LRS, with each round having a slightly different environmental focus. Round 1 focused on (i) the recovery and restoration of England’s threatened native species and (ii) the restoration of England’s streams and rivers. Round 2 focused on net zero, protected sites and wildlife-rich habitats. Defra is currently funding 56 Projects accepted in Rounds 1 and 2.

Defra suggested a third round of funding would open in 2024, however there have been no further announcements[1] to date.

Further details can be found via Defra’s website: Funding for farmers, growers and land managers – GOV.UK (www.gov.uk)

Michelmores’ role in the LRS:

Michelmores is delighted to see the development of LRS projects gathering pace, having followed the evolution of the LRS since its unveiling.  The Natural Capital team at Michelmores advised at the early test & trial phase, with input provided to projects led by the Foundation for Common Land, North Devon Biosphere Foundation and private landowners.

We are now excited to be working with a number of Round 1 Development phase projects including the North East Cotswold Farmer Cluster and the Upper Axe Landscape Recovery Project.  We are also working closely with a number of other Round 1 and Round 2 projects as they begin to appoint legal advisors to progress the legal and governance aspects of their ambitious schemes.

If you are involved with an LRS project, or considering a Round 3 application, and require legal input, please do get in touch

Contact: Josie Edwards

[1] Landscape Recovery: sharing the successful second round projects – Farming (blog.gov.uk)

group of students are entering the classroom in blurred motion
Back to School reading: the strange case of Dr…Montessori and her Trade Marks

Whether you are a parent, a person working in education or simply someone familiar with children, it is very likely that you have heard the terms Montessori and the Montessori method.

Maria Montessori was an Italian doctor and educator who developed an educational approach that supports children’s natural interests as opposed to a more traditional teaching method.

The Montessori method has become so popular over the years that it seems to be a Montessori’s version of everything: Montessori-bed, Montessori-toy, Montessori-kitchen set and so on. What is more, in the UK alone there are more than 600 schools that claim to follow the Montessori method with over 15,000 worldwide and countless websites claiming to sell Montessori items.

However, not all that glitters is…Montessori!

Background

In around 1929, Maria Montessori and her son founded The Association Montessori Internationale (also known as AMI), with the aim of overseeing the activities of schools and training of teachers embracing the Montessori method. AMI defines itself as “the recognised authority for those interested in applying the Montessori approach at multiple levels”.

This might leave you to believe that AMI has some sort of control over the use of the term “Montessori”. However, from a quick search on the UKIPO’s trade mark registry, you can see that AMI only has a UK trade mark registration (UK00913130851) for the logo “AMI ASSOCIATION MONTESSORI INTERNATIONALE”, and no trade mark registration for the word “Montessori” alone. In addition, there are more than 60 live UK trade marks containing the word “Montessori”, all registered in the same class (or classes relevant to education) belonging to different owners with no connection back to AMI.

With so many Montessori trade marks does this mean that the term should now be regarded as a generic term (i.e. free to be used by anyone)?

No. As we learned from the Swiss Chocolate case[1], terms which are essentially descriptive can still be protected provided they have a reputation attached to them which the public understands to mean something.

Trade Mark considerations

The primary purpose of a trade mark is to designate and identify the origin of a good or service so as to distinguish the goods or services offered under the mark by its owner from those offered by a competitor. Once registered, a trade mark gives defined rights over the use of the registered word or logo for the class (or classes) of goods and/or services for which the word or logo is registered.

However, the UK Trade Marks Act 1994 states that trade marks which are devoid of distinctive character shall not be registered. Further, applications to register signs which are identical or similar to earlier trade marks for the goods or services which are identical or similar with the goods or services for which the earlier trade mark is protected shall not be registered if they cause confusion and/or take unfair advantage of or are detrimental to the earlier mark’s reputation.

Given the statutory protections that prevent the same or confusingly similar signs being registered, the large number of trade marks which include the word “Montessori” is perplexing.

These marks are not owned by AMI and with so many registrations in the hands of so many different legal entities, surely this can only dilute the power of the mark to designate origin and weaken the value of the Montessori name.

Does this mean the Montessori is generic? Does this mean that any further registration of marks including the Montessori name is pointless?

As any mark’s distinctiveness diminishes, so too does its ability to designate the origin of the goods and services.

However, just because a lot of people are using a trade mark does not necessarily mean that it has become generic so as to lose all meaning and/or be incapable of acting as a trade mark. Provided the public has an understanding of what “Montessori” means and the principles it stands for then it is still capable of functioning as a trade mark. Further, a business is allowed to use a trade mark owned by someone else to describe its goods and services provided it does so in accordance with honest practices.

Even if trade mark protection had not been obtained, there are legal safeguards and protections that can be used to protect terms such as “Montessori”.

Extended Passing off

Where “collective goodwill” attaches to a brand name for a service or type of product then protection can be achieved via the common law tort of “extended” passing off.

If a term is used in relation to a reasonably identifiable group of products or services which have perceived distinctive qualities (albeit not necessarily superior) then that term should be protected[2]. Therefore, even if it is argued that the term “Montessori” should not be protected as a trade mark as long as the product or service offered under that name aligns with the Montessori criteria; has recognisable and distinctive qualities; and is perceived by the public as having those specific criteria then passing off can be used to stop others using the term to describe things as “Montessori” that do not meet those criteria. The fact that the public may have no clear idea of what makes a product a Montessori product is irrelevant.[3]

Unfair commercial practices

Trade mark law and passing off are essentially consumer protection measures.

The consumer is also protected by specific consumer protection legislation[4] that make it illegal to deceive customers by suggesting that a product adheres to certain criteria when, in reality, it does not or does so only partially. For example, labelling a toy as Montessori solely because it is made of wood, while ignoring that it is also brightly coloured and battery-operated, would be misleading, no matter the actual knowledge of the members of the public of the Montessori criteria such that the seller could be prosecuted by Trading Standards.

However, it is not always easy for the authorities, to identify the unfair commercial practice and enforce the law, and each case needs to be pursued on its merits and in the context of other competing priorities.

An alternative scenario? Certification marks

This all begs the question who should police the use of the Montessori name and what steps should be taken to protect consumers.

In this specific case, an obvious answer suggests that consumer protection would be enhanced if AMI successfully applied, and secured, a certification mark for the word “Montessori”.

A certification mark is a specific type of trade mark, which provides the public with a guarantee that the goods or services bearing the mark meet certain standards or possess specific characteristics defined by the owner of the mark. In this way the consumer will have the guarantee that that product or service satisfies specific criteria of quality and safety and their decision to buy (or not buy) a product or use (or not use) a service will be informed, quick and straightforward.

A certification mark for “Montessori” would define the standards and characteristics which make a good or a service a “Montessori” good or service. All the individuals, organisations, retailers and institutions that wanted to use the word Montessori and wanted to claim to follow the Montessori method, would need to adhere strictly to those standards and characteristics, giving individuals (parents in particular…) peace of mind.

Conclusions

We do not know why there is not greater control over the use of the term Montessori but believe that parents would be better served if there was.

To all individuals and businesses out there, if you believe that you are entitled to describe your goods or services in particular way because you adhere to certain standards then you should be able to do so lawfully provided you act in accordance with honest practices.

On the flip side, if you own a trade mark, you should look to control who is using it and how are they using it to ensure that you retain control over your brand.

Please contact Michelmores to find out what is the best way to protect your brand and maximise its potential.

[1] Swiss chocolate case [1998] RPC 117 at 129

[2] Diageo v Intercontinental Brands [2010] EWHC 17

[3] Swiss chocolate case

[4] Consumer Protection from Unfair Trading Regulations 2008 (implementing the Unfair Commercial Practices Directive)

Blurred motion of people walking through server room
Michelmores advises H2 Equity Partners on acquisition of Impulse Embedded Limited

Michelmores has advised H2 Equity Partners’s portfolio company ACAL BFi Group, a group engaged in the provision of design-led technical sales support and sale of custom electronic solutions and components to companies, on the acquisition of Impulse Embedded Limited, a leading provider of industrial computing, embedded systems, and industrial IoT solutions based in Stoke on Trent.

Established in 1993, Impulse Embedded is a trusted partner to its customers across the UK and Ireland, offering comprehensive services ranging from device supply to full solution design, build, configuration, and network services. The firm’s expertise spans a wide range of applications, including Industrial Automation, Artificial Intelligence, Power & Energy, Medical, and Rail.

Impulse Embedded’s integration into the ACAL BFi Group represents a significant step in the firm’s strategy to expand its European Embedded Computing business and to enhance its product and solution offerings. The acquisition greatly enhances ACAL BFi Group’s reach and capabilities across Europe.

The Michelmores team advising on the deal was led by Corporate Partner Adam Kean, alongside Chris Smedley (Senior Associate Corporate), Ben Adams (Associate Corporate), Karen Williams (Banking Partner) and Noel Beale (Regulatory Partner).

Adam Kean comments:

We’re delighted to have advised H2 Equity Partners and ACAL BFi Group on this significant acquisition, supporting growth within the European market, and contributing to the firm’s strategic goals. We wish ACAL BFi Group the very best success in the future as they work on the long-term development of the business.

Katherine Ho, Investment Director H2 Equity Partners, adds:

“We are exceptionally pleased to welcome the Impulse Embedded team into the ACAL BFi Group and would like to thank Adam and the extended team at Michelmores for helping us complete this transaction smoothly and with professionalism from start to finish.”

Michelmores’ award-winning Corporate team of 25 specialist lawyers advises clients across the UK and beyond – on capital markets, mergers and acquisitions, management buyouts, impact investing, energy projects, microfinance initiatives and more.

Read more on our website.

Estate
The Rise in Inheritance Disputes

Recent years have seen a rise in the number of claims under the Inheritance (Provision for Family and Dependants) Act 1975 (commonly known as the 1975 Act) as well as increased disputes regarding testamentary capacity. This article looks at the reasons for this as well as exploring what steps can be taken to try and reduce the risk of a claim being brought against an estate and associated disputes from arising.

The 1975 Act: an overview

The 1975 Act allows certain individuals to bring a claim against a deceased person’s estate if it fails to make “reasonable financial provision” for them. These individuals include spouses, former spouses, children, and any other person maintained by the deceased for two years before death. The court assesses whether the will or intestacy rules have adequately provided for these claimants, taking into account factors like the claimant’s financial needs and the size of the estate.

Increase in claims: factors and trends

Several factors seem to be contributing to the rise in claims under the 1975 Act:

  1. Societal Changes: Increasingly complex family structures, including second marriages and blended families, often lead to disputes over inheritance. With more people feeling entitled to a share of the estate, the number of claims rises.
  2. Economic Pressures: Economic downturns and rising living costs can push individuals to seek financial relief through inheritance claims, especially if they feel inadequately provided for.
  3. Awareness and Accessibility: Greater awareness of legal rights and easier access to legal services have enabled more individuals to challenge wills.
  4. Ageing Population: As the population ages, more estates are affected by issues surrounding deteriorating mental capacity, which can lead to disputes over whether the deceased had the requisite testamentary capacity to create a valid will.

Testamentary capacity: legal standards and challenges

Testamentary capacity is a critical factor in determining the validity of a will. Under English law, as established in the case of Banks v Goodfellow (1870), an individual must:

  1. Understand the nature of making a will and its effects.
  2. Understand the extent of the property being disposed of.
  3. Be aware of the claims to which they ought to give effect.
  4. Not be suffering from any disorder of the mind that would influence their decisions.

The increase in 1975 Act claims often intertwines with challenges to testamentary capacity. Disputes may arise over whether the testator (the person who made the will) fully understood their actions or was under undue influence.

Steps to reduce the risks of a claim

The rise in inheritance claims impacts legal practitioners and testators alike. Here are some key implications and steps to potentially reduce the risk of a claim:

  1. Increased Scrutiny of Wills: Lawyers must exercise greater diligence when assessing a testator’s capacity. Comprehensive notes of the testator’s mental state and intentions at the time of making the will is crucial.
  2. Family Dynamics and Communication: Encouraging open discussions about estate plans within families can reduce the likelihood of disputes. Clear communication and written explanations of decisions can help mitigate feelings of unfairness among potential claimants.
  3. Professional Assessments: In cases where testamentary capacity is questionable, obtaining professional medical assessments can provide strong evidence to support the validity of the will.
  4. Estate Planning Strategies: Where appropriate, testators might consider carrying out estate planning during their lifetime (e.g. by way of gifts or setting up trusts), to reduce the assets in their estate on death which could be subject to 1975 Act claims
  5. Use of Trusts in Wills: Testators might consider leaving their estate on a discretionary trust in their will, under which no beneficiary has a fixed entitlement to anything. Given that wills become public documents following death, this can reduce the risk of an individual feeling that they have been unfairly left out of a will or inadequately provided for compared to another family member. The flexibility of a discretionary trust also allows the trustees to consider the needs of any potential claimants and distribute assets in a way that balances the interests of all beneficiaries, thereby reducing the likelihood or success of a 1975 Act claim.
  6. Forfeiture Clauses in Wills: Incorporating a forfeiture clause in a will may deter a 1975 Act claim by discouraging beneficiaries from seeking more than they are already entitled to in the will or they may risk losing it all.

Conclusion

The rise in claims under the 1975 Act reflects broader societal changes and economic pressures. For legal practitioners, it highlights the importance of ensuring testators have the requisite testamentary capacity and that their intentions are clearly documented and communicated. As family structures and financial pressures continue to evolve, the legal landscape around inheritance claims and testamentary capacity will likely see further developments. Addressing these issues with sensitivity and foresight at the time a will is created is essential to upholding the integrity of testamentary wishes and reducing family conflicts after death.

Should you wish to discuss any of the issues raised in this article, please contact Gemma Shepherd.

view of new housing development in the southeast of England
Planning: A landowner’s perspective on the proposed NPPF changes

In late July, the new Labour government proposed amendments to the National Planning Policy Framework (NPPF). This document, along with local plans, is crucial in planning decisions across England. It sets national planning policies that local authorities must consider when developing local plans and making decisions on planning applications.

Putting local politics to one side, planning decisions should focus on balancing the benefits and impacts of proposals, approving those where the benefits outweigh the impacts. The NPPF and local plans provide the framework for this evaluation. The proposed changes are open for consultation and may be implemented by the end of the year. The main goals are to expedite local plan development and increase the number of new homes granted planning permission.

A landowner’s perspective on the proposed changes will depend on whether they have aspirations for development or whether they are more concerned about protecting their land.

Key Themes of the Proposed Changes

1. Housing Delivery Reforms

Under-provision: For landowners with land under option or in the process of being promoted for development, the housing delivery reforms are generally positive.

A key driver for the successful grant of planning permission for new homes is an under-provision of new homes in the area. In simple terms, a planning application is assessed against local housing needs, calculated using a model called ‘the standard method’. The greater the shortfall the more pressing the need for new homes. This weighs heavily on planning balance and allows developments to be approved, that might otherwise be considered to have an unacceptable impact.

These NPPF changes are generally positive for landowners with development aspirations. They increase the likelihood of a shortfall in housing delivery, making it easier for planning applications to be approved where there is an under-provision of new homes.

Affordable homes: The value of development land lies in part on the types of housing that will be delivered. Affordable homes are less valuable than open market homes. Developers expect to deliver affordable housing as part of their proposals, recognising that this is part of the ‘planning gain’.

Typically, the cost of the provision of affordable housing is a deductible under landowner options and promotion agreements. Profitability turns not just on the number of affordable houses, but also the types of affordable homes being provided.

The NPPF changes seek to prioritise and maximise the delivery of what is typically seen as the least valuable affordable housing product; social rented housing. Landowners may see the value of their land under option fall as a result.

2. Green Belt Development

For decades it has been the case that the development of land lying in designated Green Belt was going to be very restricted. Development on the Green Belt is still going to be difficult, with the emphasis for development continuing to be focused on previously developed land (brownfield land) outside the Green Belt. However, the changes do signal a relaxation in green belt restrictions. Planning authorities are to be given the ability to change the Green Belt boundaries through their local plans, where it has been established a change is necessary to meet unmet housing or commercial needs. The focus for this relaxation will be on Grey Belt sites, being previously developed land in the Green Belt which makes little contribution to the purposes of the Green Belt.

These sites must still be sustainable and meet requirements such as 50% affordable housing provision, infrastructure, and green space, which may affect their viability. Recognising this, the NPPF changes propose a consideration of viability, albeit against a backdrop of a fixed benchmark land value, which may be unpalatable to landowners.

3. Onshore Wind Turbines

Restrictions on new onshore wind turbines will be removed, making it easier to obtain planning permission. This could lead to increased interest from wind farm developers in land with good wind resources and grid capacity.

4. Protection of Agricultural Land

Developments on agricultural land, particularly solar farms, no longer have to grapple with arguments around their adverse impacts on food production, although poor quality agricultural land is still preferred over the best and most versatile agricultural land.

Landowner Perspectives

Landowners’ views on these NPPF changes will vary. Those looking to develop their land may see increased opportunities, while those focused on land protection may have concerns about the potential for increased development nearby. The impact of these changes will depend on individual circumstances and local planning contexts.

Of course, the proposed changes may not ultimately be confirmed, although this is unlikely. Whilst the changes remain in draft, the question of whether they have any weight in planning decisions is very much an open one.

Should you wish to discuss any of the issues raised in this article, please contact Fergus Charlton.

Decoding plans to simplify the Transfer of Undertakings law
Decoding plans to simplify the Transfer of Undertakings law

This article was first published by Law360 in July 2024.

In May 2023, as part of its promise to cut red tape and introduce regulatory reforms to help businesses, the then-Conservative government released the paper “Smarter regulation to grow the economy,” which proposed a number of reforms on issues, such as holiday pay, informing and consulting obligations for certain transfers under Transfer of Undertakings (Protection of Employment) Regulations 2006, or TUPE, and noncompete clauses[1].

By way of a brief background, TUPE implements the European Union’s Acquired Rights Directive and protects employees’ employment rights when the business they are employed by changes ownership or there is a change in service provider in relation to the services that they provide, known as a business transfer and service provision change, respectively.

The incoming and outgoing employers in the business transfer or service provision change must comply with the requirements set out in TUPE in relation to the transfer, and the affected employees are entitled to additional protection.

One of the changes to come out of the “Smarter regulation” paper was a change to TUPE, so that, for transfers on or after July 1, 2024, employers will — provided that there are no existing employee representatives in place, and the employer has not invited any of the affected employees to elect employee representatives — be able to inform and, if necessary, consult directly with employees in situations where (1) the employer has fewer than 50 employees, or (2) for employers of any size, the transfer involves fewer than 10 employees[2].This has largely been seen as a welcome change, and will simplify the process for many businesses.

Continuing this trend, the then-Conservative government launched another consultation in May that proposed clarifications on the scope of TUPE, as well as abolished the legal framework for European Works Councils, which are bodies of employee representatives in European multinational companies[3]. In this article, we will focus on the TUPE part of the consultation and explore the potential practical implications.

On this point, it’s worth noting that the consultation ended on July 11. However, well in advance of that date, the Conservative government announced a general election would take place on July 4. Given the election result and the fact that a Labour government is now in power, this casts significant doubt on whether any of these reforms will be pursued. Labour has promised other drastic changes to employment law, which include significantly strengthening workers’ rights, and pledged in July to introduce legislation within 100 days of it entering government, so it is likely its priorities lie elsewhere.

Proposal 1: reaffirming that only employees are protected by TUPE

Under Regulation 4(1) of TUPE, workers employed by the transferor immediately before the transfer and assigned to the organized grouping of resources or employees that is subject to the relevant transfer will automatically transfer to the transferee[4].

The definition of an “employee” under Regulation 2(1) of TUPE is wider than the definition in the Employment Rights Act 1996 and covers any individual who works for another person whether under a contract of service or apprenticeship or otherwise, but it does not include anyone who provides services under a contract for services[5]. It is therefore obvious that it covers employees and excludes self-employed individuals, but the wording “or otherwise” causes ambiguity, as it is not clear what kind of arrangements are covered.

It had generally been the accepted position that the automatic transfer principle applied to employees only and not workers. However, in Dewhurst v. Revisecatch Ltd. (t/a Ecourier) in 2019, an employment tribunal found that workers who satisfy the “limb (b)” definition in Section 230(3)(b) of the Employment Rights Act could also fall within the scope of TUPE[6].

Under Section 230(3) of the Employment Rights Act, a “worker” is an individual who has entered into or works under (1) a contract of employment, or (2) any other contract whereby the individual undertakes to perform personally any work or services for another party to the contract, whose status is not a client or customer of the individual providing the services[7].

Individuals who do not satisfy the employee test under Section 230(3)(a), but satisfy the requirements of Section 230(3)(b), are often referred to as “limb (b) workers.” It is this decision that prompted the Conservative government to propose amending the definition of employee to clarify that limb (b) workers are not protected.

Although the proposed definition change would be a welcome clarification, there is little evidence to suggest this causes a major issue in practice. Even in the statistics set out within the consultation paper, as of 2019, limb (b) workers only represented approximately 2.6% of the U.K. working population, and only a very small share of these would ever be involved in a TUPE transfer[8].

Further, it is unlikely that many organizations have actually followed Dewhurst in practice. The decision is not binding, and while it does create uncertainty, simply proceeding on the basis that workers are included in TUPE by relying on a first-instance decision — without any appellate authority on the issue — is a big step to take. That being said, proceeding to ignore workers for TUPE purposes is not without risk.

For employers, the biggest risk relates to their informing and consulting obligations under TUPE. If workers fall within the scope, employers will need to ensure that there are arrangements to take account of those workers in terms of electing appropriate representatives, if relevant, and provide the statutory information to them or their representatives, and consult where measures are proposed.

Transferors would also need to include workers’ information within their employee liability information to be provided to the transferee. Satisfying these obligations may not always be straightforward if a worker has ad hoc hours or otherwise works flexibly.

Based on the law at the moment, the proposals would offer welcome clarification and revert to the status quo. That being said, this may be a moot point if a Labour government removes the three-tier employment status, as promised.

If all but the genuinely self-employed will be classed as workers, then there will be no need to distinguish between a “worker” and an “employee” for TUPE purposes, and all workers will fall within scope. This is likely to come with additional costs for businesses involved in TUPE transfers, and may lead to further arguments about employment status, as well as arguments as to whether those workers satisfy other elements of the definition under TUPE — such as being employed immediately before the transfer — depending on their working arrangements.

Proposal 2: the application of TUPE where a business is transferred to multiple transferees

In ISS Facility Services v. Govaerts in 2020, the European Court of Justice held that it is possible for an employee’s full-time employment contract to be split into two or more parts and transferred to two or more different employers after a transfer[9]. Prior to this decision, it had not been possible for employment contracts to be split across multiple employers, and the employee had to transfer to one transferee in full, usually to the transferee that was taking over most of the transferring services.

Splitting contracts in this way can be challenging for both employers and employees to manage. It is often impractical and can cause operational difficulties, sometimes resulting in a detrimental impact on employees’ terms and conditions, e.g., traveling between sites, managing leave entitlement or requests, etc. The consultation therefore proposes amending TUPE to clarify that an employment contract can only transfer to one employer and cannot be split.

Instead, the consultation suggests that employers taking over the transferring service or business must agree which one of them is responsible for each employee’s contract. This assessment will need to be done on an individual basis with an assessment made in relation to each affected employee, rather than taking a blanket approach.

Relying on the incoming prospective employers to agree which of them takes which employees is unrealistic. It is not clear what will happen if an agreement cannot be reached, and this could potentially lead to increased uncertainty for employees. What happens to an employee’s job if neither employer agrees to take them on? Without a mechanism in place to determine to which employer each employee transfers, it is likely to lead to increased litigation and may put employees in a worse position.

If employers do indeed agree which of them is responsible for each employee, this is likely to have a positive impact on employees. However, it may come with additional costs to the employer who is required to take on the full cost of the employee, but not all of their work.

For the other employer, while it may result in reduced costs due to no employment liabilities transferring, it also means it does not have the employee there to carry out the role and may therefore need to reorganize or recruit.

For the employer who takes on the full cost of the employee but only part of their work, it seems likely that there would need to be a change in terms and conditions, or potentially a redundancy situation. Unless an employer can show the contractual variation or redundancy dismissal is for an economical, technical or organizational reason entailing changes in the workforce, any changes or redundancies are going to be difficult to make.

Although the clarification that an employment contract cannot be split is welcomed, there must be an effective mechanism in place to determine liability if the prospective employers cannot agree which of them is responsible for each employee. The consultation does refer to its potential equalities impact and that certain groups with protected characteristics may be adversely affected by the proposals. In any event, given the election result, we will need to wait and see whether the proposals will be implemented, amended or shelved.

Final Thoughts

Although the proposed changes to TUPE would clarify employers’ obligations and would generally be welcome — subject to a mechanism being introduced to resolve any disagreements regarding split transfers — in practice, split transfers and arguments over the transfer of limb (b) workers are not overly common.

In light of the election result, it seems unlikely that these changes will be implemented. While changes to TUPE may be on the horizon — Labour’s “Plan to Make Work Pay” states that it will “strengthen the existing set of rights and protections for workers subject to TUPE processes”[10]— it is not clear what this will look like in practice.

However, if and when Labour transitions to a two-tier employment status, this will likely mean that TUPE will apply to all workers, and, therefore, any argument about excluding limb (b) workers becomes redundant. This could increase costs for businesses, and it will mean that due diligence, informing and consulting obligations, and the provision of employee liability information, will need to include all workers, and warranties or indemnities may need to be extended.

There’s likely to be increased focus on the employment status of individuals who may be subject to the transfer, as well as arguments about whether ad hoc or casual workers satisfy other elements of the definition under TUPE and are therefore subject to the transfer. Given that Labour will also introduce so-called Day 1 rights for workers, the risks and costs of TUPE transfers could increase, as all workers would be covered by unfair dismissal protection.

Ultimately, given Labour’s proposals, even if changes were made in the way proposed in the old Conservative government’s consultation paper, the effect may be overtaken by subsequent changes Labour makes to employment status in general. This article is for general information purposes and is not intended to be and should not be taken as legal advice.

[1] Smarter regulation to grow the economy – GOV.UK (www.gov.uk).

[2] The Employment Rights (Amendment, Revocation and Transitional Provision) Regulations 2023 amend Regulation 13A of the Transfer of Undertakings (Protection of Employment) Regulations 2006.

[3] Consultation on clarifications to the Transfer of Undertakings (Protection of Employment) Regulations 2006 (TUPE) and abolishing the legal framework for European Works Councils – GOV.UK (www.gov.uk).

[4] Regulation 4 (1), Transfer of Undertakings (Protection of Employment) Regulations 2006/246.

[5] Regulation 2 (1), Transfer of Undertakings (Protection of Employment) Regulations 2006/246.

[6] Dewhurst v. Revisecatch Ltd (t/a Ecourier), ET/2201909/18.

[7] Section 230 (3) Employment Rights Act 1996.

[8] Different Ways of Working: Research on Employment Status in the UK – GOV.UK (www.gov.uk).

[9] ISS Facility Services v. Govaerts (C-344/18) EU:C:2020:239.

[10] Labour’s ‘Plan to Make Work Pay’ available at: LABOUR’S PLAN TO MAKE WORK PAY.

Shot of a young female engineer using a digital tablet while working in a server room
What will a Labour government mean for businesses in the Technology sector? An employment and immigration perspective

In light of Labour’s landslide victory in the general election, we look at what this may mean for employers in the Tech sector, focussing on employment and immigration issues. Labour’s promise to introduce legislation to implement its ‘Plan to Make Work Pay’ within 100 days of entering government is likely to result in significant changes for UK businesses and once further details of proposed changes are announced, employers must move swiftly to adapt to avoid cost consequences.

Employment

Labour has promised some significant changes to employment law.

Labour plan on moving towards a single employment status of ‘worker’ rather than continuing to distinguish between ’employees’ and ‘workers’. Everyone, other than the genuinely self-employed, will be workers. Linked to this, all workers will be entitled to basic employment rights from day one. So, benefits like sick pay, parental pay, and unfair dismissal protection will be granted to workers from their very first day of employment. This is a huge shift from the current position. Labour has confirmed this change won’t prevent fair dismissal (for reasons such as conduct, redundancy or capability etc.) or the use of probationary periods with fair and transparent rules and processes. It’s not clear how any specific rules around probationary periods would work, but it would be prudent for employers to ensure their contracts contain a probationary period clause. It’s also likely that recruitment processes will need to be more robust as hiring the right candidate will become even more important. Given the regular use of freelancers and contractors in the Tech industry, it will be vital that businesses are correctly classifying the individuals they engage. Wrongly classifying someone as a self-employed freelancer when they are in fact a worker, could not only lead to historic liabilities, but also means they will be entitled to enhanced employment protection from day one. This means the risks are higher even for short term arrangements. Undertaking an audit to review current arrangements can help identify any risk areas and steps can then be taken to regularise the relationship.

Pay gap reporting will increase under a Labour Government, with large firms being required to develop, publish and implement action plans to close their gender pay gaps. The gender pay gap in the Tech industry is significant, with Women In Tech reporting the sector had a gender pay gap of 16% in 2023 (significantly higher than the national average of 11.6%), and women only occupy 23.5% of top-paying jobs.[i] Labour will also extend reporting obligations to include publication of ethnicity and disability pay gaps for employers with more than 250 staff. The Tech Talent Charter’s annual report found that based on a sample of over 113,000 tech employees, just 6% are disabled, compared to 23% of the wider UK workforce.[ii] Whilst Labour’s additional reporting obligations will result in higher costs for employers and potentially more claims, it will encourage more time to be dedicated to addressing the issue.

There is likely to be increased regulation of new technologies, including automation and AI. Labour is particularly keen to protect ‘good’ jobs and ensure that jobs, rights and protections keep pace with technological change. Labour will consult with workers, trade unions, businesses and experts to evaluate how to promote best practice in safeguarding against issues associated with AI and new technology (including invasion of privacy through surveillance technology, spyware and discriminatory algorithmic decision making). It therefore seems likely that there will be increased scrutiny and regulation of technology at work, and it’s also likely that businesses will need to engage with unions or other elected employee representatives on this issue.

There are plenty of other changes we haven’t got time to mention in detail here, but flag for completeness:

  • Flexible working rights will be strengthened, and flexible working will be the ‘default’ from day one for all workers, except where it is not reasonably feasible. While flexibility tends to be firmly on the cards for most in the sector, this could call into question policies such as Dell’s, where it’s reported that fully remote employees have been told that they will not be eligible for career advancement unless they transition to a hybrid onsite role.[iii]
  • Stronger collective rights – although not a heavily unionised sector, Labour’s plans to empower trade unions by strengthening the existing framework, simplifying the recognition process and introducing enhanced rights (after consulting with unions and businesses) for union officials to access workplaces could still impact employers in the Tech industry. It is clear Labour will place increased importance on collective rights, including introducing a duty for employers to inform all new employees of their right to join a union and include this in their contract.
  • Labour will increase the time limit within which employees are able to make an employment claim from three months to six months. This, coupled with the introduction of day one rights and single worker status is likely to result in increased tribunal claims. Given the tribunal service is already struggling to meet demand, this is likely to result in even further delays. This could result in increased costs for employers across all sectors.

Immigration

Immigration has been another hotly debated topic as part of the election campaign, with an anti-migration rhetoric front and centre for most parties. Labour has promised to “reduce net migration” [iv] by ensuring that the UK has a “fair and properly managed immigration system”.  The underlying suggestion being that “bad bosses”[v] have been allowed to unscrupulously breach immigration and employment rules to plug skills gaps with overseas workers.

Although reporting some improvements in skills shortages in 2023, “54% of digital leaders say skills shortages prevent them from keeping up with the pace of change [in] the tech sector”[vi].  As all businesses feel the pressure to digitally modernise in order to stay competitive, it is anticipated that the Tech sector’s skills shortages and reliance on overseas talent will remain an issue for the foreseeable future.

So, what do Labour’s promised immigration reforms mean for an industry that is immediately reliant on overseas workers?

Unfortunately, the Labour Manifesto is light on details and we’re yet to receive a more comprehensive breakdown of its immigration plans now the party is in government.  We’re thus left with some broad headlines and educated speculation:

  • At present, Labour has advised that it has no plans to cap immigration. This, of course, is positive news and means that the Tech sector can continue to recruit from a larger international talent pool.
  • During the campaign, Labour promised to instruct the Migration Advisory Committee (the MAC) to review the increase to the Skilled Worker visa salary thresholds, which the Conservatives put in place in April 2024 if it won the election. There is no mention of this in the Manifesto. These salary increases ‘priced out’ most graduate level roles in the Tech sector, meaning that only senior specialists could be sponsored by UK companies.  Given Labour’s firm promise to reduce net migration, it is hard to see that it would be willing to make material reductions to the existing salary thresholds or reintroduce the Shortage Occupation List’s salary discounts, even for sectors such as Tech that are suffering from serious and immediate skills shortages.
  • Labour has confirmed that it is not planning to engage with the EU to extend the Youth Mobility Scheme (YMS) to include European countries. The YMS allows people from 12 different countries to come to the UK to live and work for up to 2 years, depending on their nationality and age. This is unfortunate as access to junior European talent pool may well have offered a cheaper way for Tech companies to engage graduates and allow them to gain vital experience.
  • Labour intends to impose greater responsibilities on companies that employ migrant workers to train and upskill the settled workforce. In its Manifesto, the party promises to “establish Skills England to bring together business, training providers and unions with national and local government to ensure [that the UK has] the highly trained workforce needed to deliver Labour’s Industrial Strategy. Skills England will formally work with the [MAC] to make sure training in England accounts for the overall needs of the labour market.” This certainly sounds like a positive and important long-term strategy for developing and retraining those already in the UK to meet the evolving needs of the Tech sector. However, this does nothing to meet the sector’s immediate labour shortages.
  • Labour has confirmed that companies that are found (1) not to be doing enough to upskill the settled workforce or (2) breaching employment and/or immigration rules, will be banned from sponsoring workers. It is unclear from the existing information whether this would in fact mean a revocation of an existing Sponsor Licence and thus the curtailment of existing sponsored worker’s visas.

The long term training strategy and the tougher sanctions on exploitative employers should offer long term solution to the Tech sector labour shortage.  However, at present, the government does not appear to have a detailed strategy to support the Tech industry to plug those immediate skills gaps.

Should you wish to discuss any of the issues raised in this article, please contact Robert Forsyth (Employment), or Lynsey Blyth (Immigration).

[i] Women in Technology | The gender pay gap in tech: how do we close it? – Women in Technology

[ii] Diversity in Tech Report (techtalentcharter.co.uk)

[iii] Dell Latest Company To Punish Remote Workers – Startups

[iv] Kickstart economic growth – The Labour Party

[v] Labour’s pledge to cut work visas worries business (ft.com)

[vi] Digital Leadership Report 2023 | Nash Squared

Shining a light on dark patterns: online sales practices subject to scrutiny by the CMA
Shining a light on dark patterns: online sales practices subject to scrutiny by the CMA

You walk into a store, the countdown has begun. 45 seconds to purchase a plain white two slice toaster at a 50% reduction before the offer is retracted. The image of the toaster is engrained in your mind: a recurring dream but you cannot pinpoint when it began. Was it the advertisement you saw at the bus stop or whilst you were waiting for your food in a restaurant? Maybe it was the glowing, and seemingly genuine, review from Mark who insisted it’s “quality!” and without it, you may as well not bother toasting bread at all.

It’s an immediate run to checkout with only 20 seconds remaining, the card is at the ready – to miss a bargain like this would be foolish. The assistant insists you have made the best purchase of your life and before you know it, you are the proud owner of a mediocre toaster.

Small print: packaging, postage and VAT are not included in the purchase price.

This fictitious purchasing journey is enough to put anyone off shopping on the high street, but this practice is not uncommon in the world of several online retailers who expose their customers to relentless sales tactics such as fake reviews, price reduction countdowns and claims of urgency, collectively dubbed “dark patterns”.

In light of the Competition and Markets Authority’s (CMA) investigation into the mattress retailer, Emma Sleep GmbH, and the introduction of the Digital Markets, Competition and Consumer Act 2024 (the DMCCA), sales tactics that excessively demand or deceive customers into making purchases are being scrutinised and online retailers are being held to account for their actions.

The Emma Sleep Investigation

The CMA set out to target retailers who utilise misleading sales practices in a digital sphere by analysing the design of online environments that affect a consumer’s decision making and action, known as Online Choice Architecture (OCA).

OCA practices include the presentation and placement of products as well as the design of the website itself which can benefit a consumer’s purchasing journey by creating a straightforward process, a useful selection of products that suit the consumer’s needs and simplifying the amount of information available.

It can also be designed to benefit the retailer to the detriment of the consumer. OCA can be used to introduce urgency tactics which alter the consumer’s behaviour by encouraging unnecessary purchases, receiving poor services and/or products, or prohibiting the consumer’s ability to search for alternatives.

Moreover, OCA can be used to increase product engagement by sharing products on social networks and encourage data disclosures by consumers.

In November 2022, the CMA launched its investigation into Emma Sleep’s use of ‘urgency’ claims and how the use of countdown timers and time limited discounts misled customers which in turn may be considered a breach of consumer law.

The CMA published a consultation letter in July 2023 confirming the discount claims made by the mattress retailer were not a genuine representation of the savings made by the consumer as the products were rarely sold at full price.

The use of urgency tactics, including countdown clocks such as 24-hour sales which were subsequently replaced by another sale, were considered “as giving a misleading impression that discounts would soon end” which would pressure consumers into buying.

Emma Sleep GmbH did not agree to give sufficient undertakings to the CMA to address its practices. On 29 May 2024, the regulator issued a letter before the claim, threatening proceedings unless the retailer changed its practices.

Under the new DMCCA, the CMAs powers have been strengthened and those who fall foul of consumer laws can be directly penalised by the CMA without the need for court proceedings.

The Digital Markets, Competition and Consumers Act 2024

The eagerly anticipated DMCCA received Royal Assent on 24 May 2024 and is set to hold online retailers responsible for manipulative sales practices. The use of “dark patterns” to sell products and/or services will be deemed an unfair practice under the consumer law which is set to be in force by Autumn 2024.

The DCCA introduces significant changes to consumer rights as well as the regulation of competition in digital markets including mandatory merging reporting requirements and pro-competition interventions.

  • Unfair trading: Revoking the Consumer Protection from Unfair Trading Regulations 2008, the DMCCA seeks to protect consumers from unfair commercial practices that are likely to give rise to the “average consumer” making a transactional decision that they would not have otherwise taken had they not been subjected to a misleading action, omission or aggressive practice, the traders failure to include relevant information in the invitation to purchase, or any circumstances listed in Schedule 20 of the DMCCA.
  • Subscription contracts: A contract between consumer and trader for the supply of goods, services or digital content that auto-renews or contains a free or reduced trial, after which the consumer automatically incurs liability unless the contract is terminated, will now require informed consent and opt-out notices. Traders are now expected to set out pre-contract information to the consumer clearly and issue alerts when the contract is due to end or renew, allowing the consumer to terminate in a straightforward manner. A 14-day cooling off period will also be available.
  • Drip pricing: A term used to describe the act of presenting an initial price for a product and then adding supplemental charges (such as VAT, postage and packaging, and booking fees) at the checkout. The DMCCA will now require traders to set out any additional charges from the outset.
  • Fake consumer reviews: The progression of AI has led to a number of fake reviews being generated and posted to reviewing platforms deceiving consumers into believing they are real. Any submission or commission of a fake review will be deemed an unfair practice. Traders must take reasonable and proportionate steps to prevent the publication of fake reviews that are misleading or are concealing incentivisation.

The DMCCA and the actions of the CMA holding large digital retailers to account for demanding and aggressive sales tactics is a significant step for consumer protection rights. The CMA holds significant powers – traders should not ignore any potential issues in the hope that they will “go away”.

Should you wish to discuss any of the issues raised in this article, please do not hesitate to contact Tom Torkar.

Rachel Tilley
Michelmores welcomes experienced Real Estate Partner

Rachel Tilley, an experienced Real Estate lawyer with extensive experience within both the commercial and residential property sectors, has joined Michelmores as a Partner in the Transactional Real Estate team.

Rachel’s expertise ranges from the strategic land sector and large schemes for major national housebuilders to smaller bespoke developments with local landowners.

Advising on a breadth of transactions ranging from small residential development sites to major mixed-use strategic schemes, Rachel provides commercial advice and support to landowners, promoters and developers (including private housebuilders and registered providers of social housing) and local authorities. Rachel enjoys working collaboratively with all parties involved in transactions to overcome challenges and successfully deliver and complete projects.

The addition of Rachel to the Firm is in line with its strategic strengthening of its growing Transactional Real Estate team. The team was joined by highly regarded residential development and strategic land lawyer Julie Sharpe early in 2023, and expert commercial and residential property lawyer Cheryl Brady in September last year.

Of the new role, Rachel said:

“My journey as a Real Estate lawyer started with Michelmores back in 2006 and I am delighted to be returning as a Partner to the Transactional Real Estate team and to be provided with an opportunity to assist both colleagues and clients navigate change and to work alongside collaborative, creative and commercial people to deliver much needed future developments.”

Lucy Smallwood, Head of Michelmores’ Residential Development team, adds:

“We are delighted to welcome Rachel back to the team. Her Transactional Real Estate specialisms provide a fantastic opportunity for us as we continue to grow our residential development and strategic land practice. Her promotion reflects our vision for growth, along with our continued investment in exceptional talent and her contribution will be pivotal as we continue to grow.”

Read more about the Firm’s Real Estate team here

The Winds of Change: A discussion about the Labour Government’s plans to unfetter the restrictions surrounding the development of wind farms in the UK
The Winds of Change: A discussion about the Labour Government’s plans to unfetter the restrictions surrounding the development of wind farms in the UK

Whilst some may liken them to something out of a H.G. Wells book, others will welcome the Labour government’s abolition of the moratorium on wind. But just how effective will the policy be? We took a dive into the new proposed regime and discussed some of the constraints the new government will need to overcome to achieve their decarbonised vision.

Firstly, however, a brief history. According to the national grid, wind turbines have been around a lot longer than many of us would expect. The first commercial wind turbine was created in the 1850s by inventor Daniel Halladay and businessman John Burnham in Illinois. They patented the first commercially viable windmill, the Halladay Windmill. In the UK, the first windmill for electricity generation was built in 1887 by James Blythe in Glasgow, Scotland. Whilst many in England may think that Scotland has always been at the cutting edge of innovation when it comes to wind turbines, I am sure few of us knew that they were capitalising on the technology before any of us were born!

It wasn’t until the late 1970s that the technology began to develop at scale. Catalysed by the US energy crisis of the 1970s, officials launched a research program backed by NASA to find a utility scale energy resource. Fast forward 20 years and the UK saw its first commercial wind farm developed in Delabole in 1991, consisting of 10 turbines. Momentum gathered at a slow pace but gradually grew, and the introduction of Government subsidy schemes in the early 2000’s saw an explosion of growth in this infant industry. By 2010 the UK’s total wind capacity was at 5.4 GW and in a continual trend of exponential growth the following 10 years saw the capacity quadruple to 24GW. However, although the industry was growing, expansion of onshore wind sites began to stall in 2015 and actually suffered a small decline in 2016, slowly regaining momentum thereafter, albeit at a slower growth rate.

So, what changed? In 2015, on the cusp of a general election, the incumbent Conservative Government announced their intention to withdraw subsidy support for onshore wind farms, in an effort to ‘halt the spread of onshore wind farms’. The motive for this move was twofold; the first constituting an alleged disdain from local communities towards wind farms and the second a perception that the country had enough onshore wind capacity to meet its then 2020 EU targets. The Conservatives were re-elected in 2015 and implemented their manifesto pledge by introducing a two-stage local authority test as new planning guidance.

The guidance stated that if a council wants to grant permission for a wind farm which involved more than one turbine it must be:

  1. Sited in areas identified as suitable for wind energy in the local or neighbourhood plan; and
  2. Granted only where planning impacts identified by communities had been fully addressed.

As councils had not identified suitable areas prior to this guidance, this effectively created a policy vacuum, stalling any plans for imminently prospective sites.

This policy remained unaltered until 2023, when a successive Conservative Government, led by Rishi Sunak, took small steps to ease the moratorium, amending the planning rules to make it easier for onshore wind farms to be built. In a seemingly token effort, the rules were amended to give sites the green light where there was “broad public support”. The act didn’t abolish the two-part test, but merely amended the second part by adding the words ‘and the proposal has community support’. The effort to ease the restrictions seemed to have achieved the contrary, by adding a sub element to the second part of the test, adding a third hurdle to overcome.

The 4 July marked the ascension of a new party into government. The Labour Party took the keys to number 10 and wasted little time in abolishing the moratorium on onshore wind. In a policy statement issued on Monday the 8 of July, the Treasury and the Department for Levelling Up, Housing and Communities and the Department for Energy Security and Net Zero, committed to ‘doubling onshore wind energy by 2030′. To achieve this commitment, they commented that it involved ‘removing the de facto ban on onshore wind in England by revising the planning policy to place onshore wind on the same footing as other energy development in the National Planning Policy Framework’. It has effectively confirmed that the two-stage test, introduced by the Conservatives, no longer applies. In a further effort to bolster their commitment, they propose to consult on bringing wind back into the Nationally Significant Infrastructure Projects Regime enabling decisions on large development to be taken at a national level.

So why the sudden impetus to dramatically increase the level of onshore wind? What has changed since 2015, when the government felt we had adequate levels to cope with our international commitments?

Since 2015, climate change has risen on the political and electorate agenda. Increasingly harrowing reports are suggesting that more needs to be done if we are to limit the ‘catastrophic impacts of climate change’. Part of the answer, to this planetary scale question, involves weaning our economy off fossil fuel-based energy. Whilst this has been considered in previous governments, arguments have been outweighed by the cost of transitioning to a ‘green grid’ and doing so in such a manner as to limit the fall-out to our economy and the impact that would incur on public services. However, a second advocating reason manifested itself in 2022; Russia invaded the Ukraine. In efforts to support the Ukraine, the UK imposed a series of sanctions including limiting trade with Russia. This included the purchase of oil, gas and coal, Russia’s largest exports. This sent the cost of energy skyrocketing, as a supply and demand issue arose, as one of the key global oil exporters had just isolated itself from the global market. This was felt by households and businesses throughout the UK as costs were transferred to consumers. The idea of being self sufficient in energy production seemed all the more appealing in the wake of these events.

However, there are practical issues to overcome if the new government is to achieve its aim. With the relaxation of planning rules, the new blocker to this ambition is the transmission and distribution capacity of the grid. The National Grid has announced that it requires substantial amounts of investment in the next five years to meet decarbonisation targets. Combine this with a growing need for energy with the introduction of electric vehicles, artificial intelligence and its increased server demands etc. our appetite for energy is growing exponentially.

Whilst we anticipate that these alterations to the planning regime will see a flurry of initial activity, as developers race to enter option agreements on viable sites, demand may be curtailed by an inability to connect to the grid. Whilst this announcement can be seen as a step in the right direction, the next step towards a green grid may prove to be more of a leap.

To discuss any of the issues raised in this article, please contact Mark Howard or Laurence Platt.

What does a Labour government mean for compulsory purchase of land?
What does a Labour government mean for compulsory purchase of land?

Addressing the 2023 Labour Conference, then-opposition leader Sir Keir Starmer described “our restrictive planning system” as “a blockage” to essential infrastructure, and “an obstacle” to house building, declaring: “Conference, we must bulldoze through it”.[1] Echoing this statement, Labour’s 2024 manifesto pledges to get Britain building again, aiming to deliver critical social infrastructure and 1.5 million homes within the next Parliament. Though light on detail, the manifesto suggests that these ambitions will be supported by reducing the cost of compulsory purchase orders by reforming landowner compensation rules.

This article explores the context and potential implications of the new government’s proposals on compulsory purchase. You can read more about the Government’s approach to housing here.

What are Compulsory Purchase Powers?

The power of certain bodies (“acquiring authorities”) to obtain private land without the owner’s consent is one of the more highly regulated and controversial aspects of land law. Exercised through compulsory purchase orders (CPOs), the power is intended to prevent individual property rights obstructing the exercise of acquiring authorities’ statutory functions. Typically, CPOs are made to unblock development or infrastructure projects deemed to benefit the greater public good.

For the most part, Parliament has developed the legislation governing CPOs cautiously; aiming to strike a balance between the public interest and the rights of private landowners. Still, CPOs remain a politically contentious issue, particularly in relation to how affected landowners should be compensated.

What changed under the Conservatives?

One of the most significant sources of contention is the concept of ‘hope value’, which contributes to the compensation paid to landowners by attributing value to prospective planning permission on the acquired land. This introduces uncertainty to the valuation of land acquisitions, often resulting in contested compensation claims, and is generally suggested to impede regeneration and infrastructure projects.

The Levelling-Up and Regeneration Act 2023 (LURA 2023) aimed to streamline compulsory purchase procedure to make projects delivering clear public benefits more economically viable. The most consequential change was to allow acquiring authorities to disregard hope value when acquiring land for housing (especially, “affordable housing”)[2], education or NHS purposes.[3] This power inevitably risks disadvantaging landowners who hold (and may borrow on) land for its speculative value, but must sell at its existing use value. Recognising this, the Act requires acquiring authorities to justify that their use of this power is in the public interest.

What can we expect from the new Labour Government?

In its 2024 manifesto, the new Labour government pledged to further reform CPO compensation rules. Their aim is to ensure that, for specific types of development schemes, landowners are awarded “fair compensation”, rather than “inflated prices based on the prospect of planning permission”.[4] The types of schemes affected by the proposal are not identified, however the manifesto claims that the reforms will deliver “housing, infrastructure, amenity, and transport benefits”.

It seems that Labour will extend acquiring authorities’ existing powers to disregard hope value beyond their current limitations (housing, health and education), to a potentially wide range of public infrastructure projects. This is in keeping with the general spirit of Labour’s economic growth plan, which includes making roads, railways, reservoirs, and other major projects faster and cheaper by “slashing red tape”.[5]

Although it is likely that an improvement in the ability to deliver infrastructure will indirectly assist with the provision of more housing, it is not a change which goes beyond what LURA did for housing.

Among the key issues that shaped this election cycle, the need for affordable housing took centre stage for many voters.[6] It is primarily in this context that Labour proposes its planning reforms. Labour aims to meet its 1.5 million new homes target by building a generation of new towns, urban extensions and regeneration projects; with a focus on increasing social and affordable housing. Labour has stated its intention to make “full use of intervention powers” to realise these ambitions.

It is worth remembering that new towns such as Milton Keynes were built on greenfield sites where there was little or no hope value to be taken into account, and as such much of the land was acquired at existing use value. Like any government with a majority, Labour has the latitude to do that again.

If the Manifesto pledge is to be taken forward, it appears to us that tweaking the need to justify that the use of the power to disregard hope value is in the public interest, might be the easiest way to advance that cause.

Final thoughts

Ultimately there are few surprises in Labour’s manifesto, which broadly aligns with the party’s messaging on the topic of land and planning, and reflects the promises of the last Labour conference. Labour’s proposed changes to CPO compensation rules aim to make the delivery of housing and infrastructure quicker and cheaper by reducing land receipts and investing the savings in new development. The strategy is effective but vague, and will draw opposition from landowners for making it significantly less profitable to own and/or purchase undeveloped land.

For Labour, it is a potentially uncomfortable circumstance that the removal of hope value to facilitate housebuilding, long promised as a shadow government, was substantially achieved by LURA 2023. As such, perhaps there will be an appetite to demonstrate more is being done, and extensions of the LURA changes might look an easy win. We query whether this would be enough to satisfy the calls of Labour’s progressive base to bring a swift and decisive end to the housing crisis.

We will revisit this topic as the new government’s proposals evolve into policy.

If you need assistance with any of the issues raised by this article, Michelmores has a wealth of experience in compulsory purchase law, and all aspects of property, planning and strategic land use. Please get in touch with  Mark Howard, Richard Walford, Helen Hutton, Fergus Charlton or Adam Corbin, who will be happy to help.

This article is for general information only and does not, and is not intended to, amount to legal advice and should not be relied upon as such. If you have any questions relating to your particular circumstances, you should seek independent legal advice.

[1] Keir Starmer, Labour Conference, Exhibition Centre Liverpool. 10 October 2023.

[2] Section 15A(5), Acquisition of Land Act 1981.

[3] Section 14A, Land Compensation Act 1961; Sections 15A and Schedule 2A, Acquisition of Land Act 1981; and sections 190(1)(c)-(d) and (2), LURA 2023.

[4] “Change” Labour Party Manifesto 2024, p 38.

[5] Ibid, p 32.

[6] In June, up to a quarter of voters polled by YouGov identified “housing” as the most important issue facing the country.

Considerations of carbon in planning decisions
Considerations of carbon in planning decisions

When a planning application is for a significant development, it is likely to be classified as an Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) development. The determination of these applications requires, among other things, the submission of an Environmental Statement (ES). The ES considers the impacts of the development on the environment and is to be taken into consideration by the decision maker.

The EIA process is a statutory procedure: failing to follow that procedure when required is likely to create a sound ground for a judicial review the otherwise successful grant of a planning permission.

Having established that a development is an EIA development, the next step in the procedure is scoping the various topics to be covered in the Environmental Statement. This is called scoping. The topics cover the various likely impacts of the proposed development. Flood risk, noise impacts, the impact on nearby sites protected for reasons of heritage or habitat, and the impact on protected species of flora and fauna are all commonly covered.

The scope of the environmental statement is of interest to the many stakeholders in the planning process. Developers want to know what mitigation they require to avoid unnecessary impacts. Decision makers keenly want to know that all the significant effects of the development have been reasonably taken into account in the planning balance. The general public want to know that the local and global environmental issues they consider relevant to the planning decision have been properly investigated and understood before a decision is reached, and they can shape the environmental statement by ensuring that local issues on which they may have intimate knowledge are adequately covered.

Greenhouse gas emissions have been a feature in environmental statements for many years. A development’s directly controlled contributions to global warming, arising from sources that the development has most control over, a commonly and uncontroversially included in environmental statements. So too are a development’s indirect greenhouse gases releases arising from the consumption of electricity or gas. In both cases the steps to minimise these sources of greenhouse gas emissions are considered, mitigation is identified and proposed, and alternative scenarios considered, with the outcome trying to balance the residual global warming impacts against the benefits of the development. In the case of renewable energy schemes, the impact is the positive contribution to offsetting fossil fuels usage, which plays positively in the planning balance where negative impacts on say the visual appearance of the scheme in the landscape may otherwise lead to a conclusion that the application be refused.

But what about the proposed development’s most indirect contributions to global warming? A new shop selling goods made from plastics that have been made on the other side of the globe. A proposed new road made with tarmac and to be used by countless cars and lorries. New houses to be occupied by people who will themselves directly and indirectly consume fossil fuel. How should an environmental statement grapple with these contributions to global warming? Indeed should an environmental statement grapple with these impacts at all?

These were the questions that the Supreme Court was asked to consider in the case of Finch v Surrey County Council.

The development at the heart of the Finch decision was the extraction of oil from the Surrey Downs. The Council had initially requested the environmental statement include the greenhouse gas emissions arising from the future combustion of the extracted oil. The applicant persuaded the Council this was too indirect a source of emissions to be readily accommodated in an environmental statement, so the decision to grant planning permission for the oil extraction did not take these emissions into account.

The subsequent challenge went all the way to the UK’s highest court, and attracted submissions from a range of interested parties. The claimant’s argument was that it was unlawful of the Council to determine the application for this EIA development unless the environmental statement considered the impact of the future burning of the oil.

Certain facts regarding the ultimate fate of the ‘to-be-extracted’ oil were accepted by the parties as being uncontroversial: there was a virtual certainty, indeed an inevitability, that the extracted oil would release the greenhouse gas carbon dioxide whereas if left in the ground it would not itself contribute to global warming. Even though these greenhouse gas releases would not arise at the point of extraction which was the subject of the planning application, the Court considered that these indirect emissions were an inevitable consequence if permission for the extraction was granted, and that the environmental statement was deficient because it failed to take them into account. The Court quashed the decision to grant the planning permission.

Applications for onshore oil and gas extraction are few and far between in England and Wales. So how does the judgement in Finch play out in the wider world of development? Of course there will be some confusion, uncertainty and consternation arising from Finch, but the Court’s reasoned majority judgement set out helpful comments as to why it reached the conclusion it did, and which form guidelines for how the judgment should influence the scoping of environmental statements.

The inevitability of the extracted oil resulting in indirect greenhouse gas emissions was central to the Court’s conclusion, despite those emissions not arising directly from the development described in the application. In the absence of any indeterminacy regarding the future use of the oil its greenhouse gas potential had to be taken into account, and moreover there was a readily available protocol for calculating these emissions. Whereas had there been a series of uncertain or vague intervening stages between the oil extraction and the release of greenhouse gases then those emissions may not have had to be taken into consideration. The Court also noted that there would be no need for the environment statement to measure or assess putative environmental effects which are incapable of assessment.

Campaigners pitted against any scheme will always want the decision maker to take all the scheme’s putative environmental impacts into account, but that is not necessary for the purposes of an EIA. Rather practitioners at the coal face of scoping environmental statements can readily and reasonably justify the exclusion of indirect effects that ‘may possible’ arise from a development or where the emission’s effects have no reasonable prospect of being quantified with any certainty. A decision maker could already justify the absence of the consideration of fanciful impacts. That same decision maker can readily and reasonably justify the absence of the consideration of greenhouse gas impacts that fall into the category of ‘possibly occurring’ because that occurrence is the conclusion of a series of innumerable intervening events occurring ‘downstream’ from the project being considered and which renders the occurrence of those releases something less than inevitable. Similarly where the measurement of those impacts is just too difficult to quantify due to the uncertainty of their occurrence, they can be omitted from the environmental statement. This later exclusion is of course a moving feast, as scientific understanding and modelling capabilities improve over time.

In conclusion, the scope of environmental statements has been expanded, but not in an unbounded way. The impact of indirect effects that are inevitable and quantifiable should be included in the environmental statement, and this may alter the planning balance, but where those indirect effects are something less than inevitable or there is a settled consensus that the impacts cannot be readily quantified, then they need not be included in the environmental statement.

To discuss any of the issues raised in this article, please contact Fergus Charlton.